Art Caplan on Plan B and Kermit Gosnell

Art Caplan has a new Viewpoint article out in Time discussing Plan B’s impact on late trimester abortion:

Gosnell was a stop of last resort for woman late in their pregnancies. They sought an abortion past the point of fetal viability — a choice illegal in Pennsylvania and throughout the United States. For these women, Gosnell and his ilk are their only option.

But regardless of the outcome of Gosnell’s trial, the need for late trimester abortion is going to disappear. Even surgical abortion will be a thing of the past, as the abortion clinic slowly gives way to pharmaceutical abortion.

More and more women will be using cheap and readily available emergency contraception, not abortion. The FDA just announced that Plan B can be sold over-the-counter to buyers as young as 15. Other women will use mifepristone when they choose to end a pregnancy within the first seven weeks. They won’t be faced with the choice of a third trimester abortion because they will be able to easily access pharmaceutical options. The awful horror of Gosnell will disappear not as a result of legislation or protests or even trials but as a result of affordable pills that are easy to use.

Take a look here.

Why North Dakota’s Ban on Genetic Selection Matters (Online Abortion and Reproductive Technology Symposium)

[Ed Note: Posted on behalf of Jaime King]

On March 26, 2013, North Dakota Governor, Jack Dalrymple, signed into law two of the nation’s most restrictive abortion bills. The first, HB 1456, prohibits providers from performing an abortion once a fetal heartbeat can be detected, which can be as early as six weeks gestation (Fetal Heartbeat Ban).  The second, HB 1305, prohibits providers from knowingly performing abortions sought solely because of the sex of the fetus or because the fetus has been diagnosed with a genetic abnormality or the potential for a genetic abnormality (Sex and Genetic Selection Ban).

Much of the press coverage and discussion of these unprecedented laws has focused on the Fetal Heartbeat Ban. This is largely because the prohibition eliminates nearly all access to abortion in the state and poses a direct challenge to a woman’s right to choose to have a pre-viability abortion free from undue state interference, as delineated in Planned Parenthood v. Casey.   Viability has typically been established around 24 weeks gestation, which is generally considered the end of the second trimester. The sweeping nature of this prohibition essentially negates the impact of a prohibition on sex or genetic selective abortions, as testing for those conditions, even with non-invasive prenatal testing techniques, cannot be performed reliably prior to nine or ten weeks gestation. By that point, the Fetal Heartbeat Ban would already prohibit any form of selective abortion.

But we should not ignore this law, as it is the more insidious of the two. As a direct threat to abortion access for all women, the Fetal Heartbeat Ban is very likely to be found unconstitutional, short of a complete overturning of Roe v. Wade. The Sex and Genetic Selection Ban, however, is subject to more debate. Since Roe, we have largely assumed that women can have an abortion for any reason prior to viability, but the courts have never directly addressed the issue.  Recent polls have found that over 3/4 of Americans would support bans on sex selective abortions,[1] and five states have already passed sex selection bans.[2]  The question of whether a woman’s reason matters is upon us.

Opening the door to permit states to invade and assess women’s private thoughts regarding her reasons for having an abortion strikes directly at the heart of the reproductive liberties protected by the Fourteenth Amendment. If states can regulate access to abortion based on a woman’s reasons for having it, they can significantly limit access in a piecemeal fashion – slowly and deliberately circling in on the right. Continue reading

John Robertson on “Is Selective Reduction Covered by State Abortion Law?” (Online Abortion and Reproductive Technology Symposium)

[Guest post on behalf of John Robertson]

The meeting at Rutgers-Camden on convergences and divergences between abortion and assisted reproduction (to use Glenn Cohen’s term) was stimulating and interesting on many fronts.  To pick up on one such issue, must physicians who reduce pregnancies to twins or singletons comply with state regulations for abortion?  Many of us thought that they were probably covered, even if they view themselves differently than physicians at abortion clinics.

In fact, selective reductions might not fit all state definitions of abortion.  Texas defines abortion as “the use of any means to terminate the pregnancy of a female known by the attending physician to be pregnant with the intention that the termination of the pregnancy by those means will, with reasonable likelihood, cause the death of the fetus.”  Texas Health & Safety Code # 171.002.

Since protection of fetuses is a main purpose of such statutes, a natural reading of the statute would be to view the termination of the pregnancy of a particular fetus, as occurs with selective reduction, to be covered.  On the other hand, precision in language is also necessary.  Since the intention of the physician is not to terminate the entire pregnancy, one could argue (perhaps with less support) that selective reduction where at least one fetus remains and the pregnancy continues is not covered.  Under prevailing notice jurisprudence, there is a plausible argument that this definition doesn’t give reasonable physicians, enforcers, or patients fair notice that selective reduction is covered by abortion statutes. (Of course, the legislature could easily revise the statute).

As a practical matter, a physician doing such procedures might prudently following state law in all respects, such as informed consent, 24 hour waiting periods, ultrasound if required, notice of adoption alternatives, etc. to avoid trouble.  There may, however, be situations in which compliance with such requirements in this already heavily freighted emotional context is especially onerous.  There may also be questions as to whether it extends to postviability abortions, where selective reduction is done to protect the health of other fetuses or newborns, though many of those cases might fall within the mother’s health exception.

In the end, the greatest importance of this question is to enrich the discussion and make us aware of the different situations that bring women to termination choices.  If one such path is through assisted reproduction, it reminds us that much more attention needs to be paid to hyperstimulation and transfer protocols so that the need for to “reduce” pregnancy is itself reduced.  Would laws that limit embryo transfer be constitutional?  Probably not, but that is another discussion.

I would be interested in hearing whether other state statutes are clearer and whether anything beyond what I have mentioned hinges on it.

Introducing our Online Abortion and Reproductive Technology Symposium

[Editor's Note: This is Glenn Cohen guest posting on behalf of Kim Mutcherson, what follows below is her post. I will be posting on behalf of several symposium contributors over the next few days.]

On Friday, April 5, a group of almost 30 (mostly legal) scholars gathered at Rutgers Law-Camden to have difficult conversations about abortion and assisted reproduction. The event, sponsored by Rutgers Law and the Law School Initiative of the Center for Reproductive Rights (http://reproductiverights.org/en/our-work/law-school-initiative) sought to initiate discussion about the seeming gulf between those working on issues related to abortion and those working on assisted reproduction and assisted reproductive technology (ART).  Friday’s conversation was the first of at least three planned events with the other two to be sponsored at some future point by the Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology and Bioethics at Harvard Law School and the Program for the Study of Reproductive Justice in the Information Society Project at Yale Law School. If the nature of the conversation at this kick-off event is a harbinger of things to come, I am anticipating that top-notch and cutting edge scholarship related to reproductive rights and reproductive justice will emerge from workshop participants.

While it might seem intuitive that scholars of reproduction would talk often, much of the work in this arena exists in silos. Those writing about abortion have plenty of work to do in keeping up with the flurry of state laws seeking to destroy what remains of Roe v. Wade in a post-Planned Parenthood v. Casey world. And those working in the world of assisted reproduction have to keep abreast of emerging science that is always light years ahead of what the law has done or seems capable of doing. As a consequence, opportunities to study the intertwining and divergence between the right to end a pregnancy and a right to create one are sparse.

And so, in the year that we commemorate the 40th anniversary of Roe, we engaged in a respectful, honest, and richly complex dialogue about the appropriate paradigm for understanding the right to abortion and the right to use assisted reproduction—liberty, equality or some new paradigm that we have yet to fully embrace or articulate.

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Fox on “The Flawed Logic of Prenatal Discrimination”

Dov Fox has an interesting new piece up at HuffPo examining the constitutionality of the abortion restrictions just enacted  in North Dakota:

As the Supreme Court heard oral arguments this week in the same-sex marriage cases, North Dakota enacted three of the most restrictive abortion laws in the country. Two of them are unlike any ever considered by U.S. courts.

One bans abortion wholesale after a fetal heartbeat is “detectable” (as early as six weeks into a pregnancy), unless termination would save the woman’s life. The other law forbids any abortion that’s sought on the basis of fetal sex or genetic anomaly, even fatal ones.

Both laws should be struck down as unconstitutional. But the selective abortion ban presents new legal questions for supporters of reproductive rights. Indeed, the Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade declined to insist that a woman “is entitled to terminate her pregnancy . . . for whatever reason she alone chooses.”

 Keep reading…

Family, Privacy, Secrets, & The Law

The Family, Privacy, Secrets, & The Law Roundtable (March 7-8. 2013) was a great success.  Kudos to the brilliant presenters and commentators who came together for this important, groundbreaking session, including Lori Andrews, Glenn Cohen, June Carbone, Laura Rosenbury, Camille Gear Rich, Martha Field, Deborah Epstein, Martha Ertman, Gaia Bernstein, Taunya Banks, Naomi Cahn, Michael Pinard, Karen Czapanskiy, and Eleanor Brown.  Thanks to all who attended and contributed to this excellent meeting.    Coverage can be found here and here.

Caplan on “$10,000 to Abort?”

Art Caplan has a new column up discussing the surrogacy agreement gone awry (noted by Judy Daar below) in which a surrogate was offered $10K to abort the fetus upon discovery of abnormalities.  Take a look.

We’ve also had other discussions of this issue at Bill of Health, from Dov Fox’s recent post on abortion of disabled fetuses to Glenn Cohen’s post on Mitt Romney’s son’s abortion contract.

Five Signs Your Surrogacy Arrangement Has Gone Awry

By Judith Daar

A recent news item about a gestational carrier who refused a $10,000 bribe from the intended parents to abort a fetus with severe abnormalities has stirred debate about the allocation of fundamental rights when reproduction is shared among multiple parties.  Though surrogacy and abortion are rarely aligned, the pregnancy-inducing act of hiring a woman to carry a child to term collided with the pregnancy-ending medical procedure in Crystal Kelley, a single unemployed mother of two who agreed to accept $22,000 to help another couple struggling with infertility.  All was well until an ultrasound at five months gestation revealed a fetus with severe medical problems.

Until that moment, as is true in the vast majority of surrogate parenting arrangements, all had gone smoothly between the intended parents – a married couple with three existing children – and the surrogate.  But the medical revelations tore the parties apart. The couple asked Kelley to abort the fetus immediately, urgency flaring as the pregnancy bumped up against the legal limit for lawful termination in Connecticut where the parties resided.  Kelley refused, saying she wanted to give the baby a fighting chance. Desperate, perhaps, the intended parents offered the surrogate a bribe to abort the fetus. She declined and soon thereafter a legal team was put in place, with both sides lawyering up.

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The ADA and Declining Down Syndrome Birthrates

[Posted on behalf of Dov Fox]

Having a child is hard work. It can be especially taxing—“physically, emotionally, and of course, financi[]ally, to bring a child with [disabilities] . . . into the world and raise it,” as commentators have noted in response to an earlier version of this piece that Chris Griffin and I wrote yesterday on Huffington Post. So it is not difficult for many of us to sympathize with the genetic parents who, CNN reported later in the day, offered their surrogate $10,000 to have an abortion when they learned “the baby would need several heart surgeries” and “ha[ve] only about a 25% chance of having a ‘normal life.’”

At the same time, doctors and authors justly celebrate the increasing willingness of those who decide that, for them, it makes sense to bring a pregnancy to term after getting a positive test for a condition like Down syndrome. These advocates explain the perceived shift in social norms by noting that the landmark Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) provides legal protections to combat employment discrimination and enhance access to public accommodations. What they fail to appreciate is that these protections have not always brought with them the anticipated acceptance of having a child with disabilities.

A study we published in 2009 reveals a 25 percent decline in Down syndrome birthrates nationwide after the first President Bush signed the ADA into law. Controlling for variables from maternal age and marital status to prenatal testing and access to abortion, we found that about 15 fewer children per 100,000 were born with Down syndrome after the law was passed. So here’s the puzzle: Why would fewer children be brought into the world just as they are being afforded greater opportunities in life?

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R.I.P. Ronald Dworkin (Dec. 11, 1931–Feb. 14, 2013)

I woke this morning to the very sad news that legal philosopher and NYU law professor Ronald Dworkin died in London early this morning of leukemia, at the age of 81.

I’m not sure whether his illness was well known to those within the legal academy, but it came as news to me, so I confess I’m slightly shocked by news of his death. Others, of course, are much better positioned to give thoughts about his life and career, and no doubt will, here and elsewhere. I’ll share just one brief remembrance. I was the founding co-editor of the Harvard Law Review Forum, and for our very first issue, I solicited a response from Professor Dworkin to Fred Schauer’s (Re)Taking Hart. These were the days when online supplements to law reviews were new, and we didn’t really know how scholars would view these opportunities. When he readily agreed to provide a response, I recall emailing the news around Gannett, to much rejoicing. This was an especially meaningful “get” for me, as in addition to his work in legal philosophy, I had read and appreciated Life’s Dominion as an undergraduate studying bioethics. I was terribly nervous about interacting with him, but he was incredibly kind and gracious and unassuming throughout the process.

Professor Dworkin leaves behind his wife, two children, and two grandchildren. They and his friends and colleagues are in my thoughts.

Update: Brian Leiter is aggregating memorial notices here.

More on Contraceptives Coverage

For an excellent perspective on the legal challenges to the contraceptives coverage mandate being brought by for-profit, secular companies with religious owners, check out Bill Keller’s recent NYT op-ed.  A brief snippet:

“Also, courts tend to distinguish between laws that make you do something and laws that merely require a financial payment. In the days of the draft, conscientious objectors were exempted from conscription. A sincere pacifist could not be obliged to kill. But a pacifist is not excused from paying taxes just because he or she objects to the money being spent on war. Doctors who find abortions morally abhorrent are not obliged to perform them. But you cannot withhold taxes because some of the money goes to Medicaid-financed abortion.”

These analogies are helpful, but I’m not sure I’m totally convinced that the employers here are only being asked to make a financial payment equivalent to a tax.  Certainly they don’t have to take contraceptives themselves, but they aren’t being asked to just pay money to the government – they are being asked to directly arrange coverage for something they find morally objectionable.  So I’m really on the fence here.

Ultimately, I don’t want to be too quick to dismiss the complicity objections raised by these employers as just the same as tax objections that are easily waived off as completely unworkable.  We can’t have every Tom, Dick, and Harry refusing to pay taxes for things they find objectionable – but we could come up with a system for accommodating the religious objections of secular business owners: namely the accommodation being offered to religious employers.  If insurers can bear the burden of handling contraceptives coverage completely on their own for religious employers like hospitals and universities, why couldn’t they do the same across the board?

And let me reiterate once again that all of this just demonstrates that employers really have no place whatsoever in our healthcare system.

Did Matt Lauer Err by Calling a Negative Test for Down Syndrome “Good News” on the Today Show?

A new non-invasive genetic test (using blood draw), MaterniT21 Plus, claims it can detect Down Syndrome at 10 weeks of pregnancy. Matt Lauer, inadvertantly no doubt, stepped into the controversy of genetic testing and abortion during a Today Show segment with two parents who had undergone the testing and had a live reveal of the sex and also the Down Syndrome status of their baby. Lauer referred to the negative Down Syndrome result as “good news” (his exact phrase “Let’s get right to the good news,”) with the mother-to-be saying “[w]e are safe. The baby does not have Down syndrome,” giving rise to controversy among the disability rights community. To be fair, later in the segment there is a discussion of the fact that the couple had stated that should they find out the child had Down Syndrome they would not abort but instead see “specialists” and “get more information.”

A couple of reactions: While I do not think it per se unethical and certainly not illegal (wait did Matt Lauer just make a HIPAA joke on TODAY, that’s a first?!!!) there is certainly something unsavory about having a “Down Syndrome reveal” on live television. I wonder if TODAY would have broadcast the segment if the test was positive and the emotional reaction of the parents had been less warm? Second, I think the dust-up over the “good news” language points to a deeper set of issues. On the one hand, disability rights advocates reasonably chafe on America’s heavily watched morning program hammering home the message that it is “bad news” to have a child with Down Syndrome. On the other hand, this may be an accurate reflection of where we, as a country, currently are on the issue, rightly or wrongly.

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Prosecuting Rape Victims, What Next?

Representative Cathrynn Brown (Arizona)

In the wake of an election season peppered with references to rape by legislators vying for reelection or elevation to more prominent political positions: Representative Todd Akin’s woefully unscientific claim that “legitimate” rapes rarely result in pregnancy because women can “shut that whole thing down” or Richard Mourdock, Indiana state treasurer, reminding voters that when pregnancies result from rape “that it is something God intended to happen,” the deeply political intersections of criminal and health law became more visible.  Representative Joe Walsh (Ill), for example, claimed that “with modern technology and science, you can’t find one instance” where a woman’s life can be saved with an abortion.   Problematically, such comments to unwitting constituents parade as fact and stand contrary to vetted medical studies.   For example, a recent study found that “women were about 14 times more likely to die during or after giving birth to a live baby than to die from complications of an abortion.” An abstract of the study can be found here.

Months ago, I wrote that it would be a mistake to isolate these politically-charged comments to republicans or even male legislators; on inspection, recent personhood amendments and the passage of fetal protection laws expose bipartisan collaboration on laws that may be unconstitutional, undermine women’s reproductive health, and prioritize criminal law interventions over healthcare and rehabilitation. More of that work can be found here, here, and here.

Most recently, Representative Cathrynn Brown of New Mexico stepped into the political fray on rape, exposing once more the ways in which women’s reproduction can become hostage to political pandering.  Last week, Brown proposed House Bill 206, a law that would criminally punish rape victims who seek abortions.  According to Brown, obtaining an abortion after sexual victimization amounts to “tampering with evidence.” Rape victims could face felony charges and up to three years in prison for violating the law.

Likely, Brown’s rape bill will not gain sufficient political support for passage.  Nevertheless, recent political efforts to redefine rape, blame victims, and use the criminal law as a sword to regulate victims’ responses to rape deserve serious scrutiny and sustained critical engagement.

Defending Roe v. Wade, Defending Human Rights

By Elizabeth Sepper

Dr. Willie Parker is one of the few doctors in the United States who perform later-term abortions, up to 24 weeks.  He is one of three who provide abortions at Mississippi’s sole abortion clinic.  A Christian from the Deep South, Dr. Parker didn’t provide abortions for the first dozen years of his career.  But again and again he encountered women whose pregnancies endangered their lives, girls who had suffered rape or incest, and mothers who were too poor to raise another child.  He came to wrestle with the morality of abortion—torn between his religious tradition’s teaching against abortion and his moral commitment to his patients.  He listened to Dr. Martin Luther King’s sermon on the Good Samaritan.  According to Dr. King, the Good Samaritan was “good” because he did not consider himself but instead asked “What will happen to this person if I don’t stop to help him?”  Dr. Parker was moved to examine his own conscience and to ask, “What happens to women who seek abortion if I don’t serve them?”  From that day, he began to perform abortions. (This interview is well worth a read.)

Choosing to provide abortions is an act of bravery. Abortion providers face threats to their safety and families, targeted and expensive regulations, and professional and community stigma.  They share much in common with human rights lawyers, union organizers, and women’s rights advocates around the globe who are harassed by their governments and the majority.  This makes sense if we recognize abortion providers for what they are: human rights defenders, who work to ensure reproductive rights (the Center for Reproductive Rights has argued effectively for this framework under international law).

As we mark the fortieth anniversary of Roe v. Wade tomorrow, we should acknowledge the courage and commitment of these human rights defenders.  In the past two years, state legislatures passed more, and more novel, restrictions on women’s access to abortion and abortion providers’ practices than ever before.  The “graying” of current  providers represents a further challenge.  In the words of Justice Blackmun, “I fear for the future.  I fear for the liberty and equality of the millions of women who have lived and come of age in the . . . years since Roe was decided.”  But tomorrow I simply offer thanks to those who defend our rights on the front lines.

Another Contraceptives Mandate Case

Following up on Chris Robertson’s and Kevin Outterson’s posts below (here and here), I just wanted to draw your attention to another federal district court opinion on the contraceptives coverage mandate.  This one is from Nov. 19 and involves the owners of Hobby Lobby.  The court denied their motion for a preliminary injunction on the following grounds:

Plaintiffs have not demonstrated a probability of success on their First Amendment claims. Hobby Lobby and Mardel, secular, for-profit corporations, do not have free exercise rights. The Greens [the individual owners] do have such rights, but are unlikely to prevail as to their constitutional claims because the preventive care coverage regulations they challenge are neutral laws of general applicability which are rationally related to a legitimate governmental objective.

Plaintiffs also have failed to demonstrate a probability of success on their Religious Freedom Restoration Act claims. Hobby Lobby and Mardel are not “persons” for purposes of the RFRA and the Greens have not established that compliance with the preventive care coverage regulations would “substantially burden” their religious exercise, as the term “substantially burdened” is used in the statute. Therefore, plaintiffs have not met their prima facie burden under RFRA and have not demonstrated a probability of success as to their RFRA claims.

There are tens of cases challenging the contraceptives mandate pending at the moment, and several have already been dismissed on procedural grounds.  But my current count of the substantive cases is 3 preliminary injunctions granted (Newland, Weingartz Supply, and Tyndale House Publishers), 1 denied (Hobby Lobby), and 1 case holding outright that the mandate violates neither the First Amendment nor RFRA (O’Brien).  Have I missed any?

Opinion granting preliminary injunction on contraceptive coverage mandate

Yesterday (Friday Nov 16), U.S. District Judge Reggie Walton granted a preliminary injunction barring enforcement of the contraceptive coverage mandate that was part of the regulations implementing the Affordable Care Act (ACA).  There is lots of news coverage (e.g., HuffPo and WaPo), but as usual, the news organizations do not link to the opinion.  For your convenience, I’ve linked to it in the prior sentence, and provide some very preliminary observations below the fold.

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Roundup of State Ballot Initiatives on Health Issues

By Katie Booth

This November, voters weighed in on an array of state ballot initiatives on health issues from medical marijuana to health care reform. Ballot outcomes by state are listed below (more after the jump).

Voters in Alabama, Montana, and Wyoming passed initiatives expressing disapproval of the Affordable Care Act, while a similar initiative in Florida garnered a majority of the vote but failed to pass under the state’s supermajority voting requirement. Missouri voters passed a ballot initiative prohibiting the state executive branch from establishing a health insurance exchange, leaving this task to the federal government or state legislature. Florida voters defeated a measure that would have prohibited the use of state funds for abortions, while Montana voters passed a parental notification requirement for minors seeking abortions (with a judicial waiver provision). Perhaps surprisingly, California voters failed to pass a law requiring mandatory labeling of genetically engineered food. Several states legalized medical marijuana, while Arkansas voters struck down a medical marijuana initiative and Montana voters made existing medical marijuana laws more restrictive. Colorado and Washington legalized all marijuana use, while a similar measure failed in Oregon. Physician-assisted suicide was barely defeated in Massachusetts (51% to 49%), while North Dakotans banned smoking in indoor workplaces. Michigan voters failed to pass an initiative increasing the regulation of home health workers, while Louisiana voters prohibited the appropriation of state Medicaid trust funds for other purposes.

Affordable Care Act:

  • Alabama Health Care Amendment, Amendment 6: Approved 59.52% to 40.48% (prohibits mandatory participation in any health care system)
  • Florida Health Care Amendment, Amendment 1: Defeated 51.46% to 48.54% (required 60% support to pass) (would have prohibited passing laws compelling the purchase of health insurance)
  • Missouri Health Care Exchange Question, Proposition E: Approved 61.8% to 38.2% (“prohibit[s] the Governor or any state agency, from establishing or operating state-based health insurance exchanges unless authorized by a vote of the people or the legislature”)
  • Montana Health Care Measure, LR-122: Approved 66.83% to 33.17% (prohibits “the state or federal government from mandating the purchase of health insurance coverage or imposing penalties for decisions related to the purchase of health insurance coverage”)
  • Wyoming Health Care Amendment, Amendment A: Approved 76.98% to 23.02% (stating that “the right to make health care decisions is reserved to the citizens of the state of Wyoming”)