Home Is Where The Heart Dwells

December 26, 2008

安守廉:《失而复得的律师职业:探询中国的法律职业主义》

Filed under: Uncategorized — Rui Guo @ 7:49 pm

Of Lawyers Lost and Found: Searching for Legal Professionalism in the People’s Republic of China

失而复得的律师职业:探询中国的法律职业主义

作者:安守廉 Alford, William P.

 

关心中国法律进步的美国学者和决策者们内心深处相信,若中国发展出一个与美国同出一辙的法律职业,一定是有意义的。这个想法异常深入人心,以至人们确实很少对此加以审视。发展法律职业被美国学者和决策者看作是毋庸置疑的好事,它的实现也只是时间问题而已。无论是出于一种理想主义认识、还是自私自利的想法、或是两者都有,这些美国人都认为律师会成为中国走向法治和市场化的先锋,有的人甚至把中国发展出自己的法律职业看作是走向政治自由化的关键。

你可以在美国的学术著作、策论文章里读到这些关于中国法律职业看法的隐藏假设。对这些假设,美国和海外的法学界未来需要详加审视。在这些假设给出的描述背后,其更深的假设是世界不可避免地走向同一特别是(很奇怪的是)和美国现状相似的同一。如随随便便接受这些假设,我们不仅不能对正在兴起的中国法律职业的地位有所了解,而且,在更广意义上,我们无法对中国法律发展及法律职业主义本身的局限性有有深入认识。这将会导致我们对中国可能的变革方式是怎样的产生毫无根据的某种期待,并且强化在我们这里本来已经过分膨胀的法律职业的历史重要性的观念。

 

本文包含三个部分。在第一部分,在简要介绍已有的对中国法律职业的描述之后,我试图以更加妥当的术语描述过去二十年里法律职业的发展及其现状。这部分使用了我在1993-2000年检对中国法律职业人士所做的访谈以及更传统的文献资料。第二部分意图解释学者和决策者们,特别是美国的学者和决策者们,为何对中国法律职业有如此重大的误解。我以为,问题不仅在于对中国法律职业的不当理解,更在于他们对本国的法律职业的错误认识。最后一个部分我提出了对我们认识中国法律发展和律师地位问题所面临的困难更多的想法。

本文全文PDF 下载:http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/680__LawyersLost.pdf

 

December 18, 2008

Quote of the day

Filed under: Joke, in Chinese, 中文 — Rui Guo @ 9:50 pm

[近来出现很多关于普世价值的讨论,看来看去,都不如王小波说的实在,特此引用。]

我有些庸人的想法:吃饱了比饿着好,健康比有病好,站在粪桶外比跳进去好。

–王小波《极端体验》

December 17, 2008

郑也夫:北大校庆献辞

Filed under: in Chinese, 中文 — Rui Guo @ 4:25 pm

郑也夫:北大校庆献辞

我是2004年2月调到北大社会学系的。已经记不得多少次了,朋友们让我谈谈对北大的印象。我心口如一:我哪里了解北大,它是庞然大物,我是边缘侏儒,我只在有­限的程度上了解我的一些学生。但是以后的经历却使我深深地疑惑:校内各级领导都了解北大吗?我们所知道的事情他们都清楚吗?经过各自主客观上的微妙组合,每个北­大人都有自己对北大的印象。中心的人未必没有盲点,边缘的人未必没有洞见。一个基层教师可能见木不见林,一个全局领导者可能失去了细微和纵深。普通教师的积极态­度就是利用一切机会谈自己的印象,发自己的牢骚。它是一个边缘人参与北大建设的第一步。
(more…)

Quote of the day: Siemens

Filed under: In English, Joke — Rui Guo @ 3:46 pm

WHEN Siemens, Europe’s biggest engineering firm, adopted the slogan “be inspired” in the mid-1990s, bribery was not what it had in mind. But no one can accuse its managers of lacking inspiration when it came to devising novel ways to funnel huge sums in backhanders to corrupt officials and politicians across the globe.

-Economist

December 16, 2008

Rebuking Zhu Suli’s “Socialist Rule of Law” (Gong Renren)

Filed under: China, in Chinese, 中文 — Rui Guo @ 4:07 pm

(Previous post on this topic: Professor Zhu Suli Accuses Rule of Law as Western Conspiracy)

Rebuking Zhu Suli’s “Socialist Rule of Law” (Gong Renren)

龚刃韧: 宁要社会主义的草,不要资本主义的苗?

不久前,我偶然在「中国选举与治理」网站上看到北大法学院教授朱苏力的一篇文章,题为〈社会主义法治理念与资本主义法治思想的比较〉1。由于这些年我也在北大法学院给研究生讲授与法治有关的专题课,对朱苏力的文章从题目到内容都感到很荒谬。为了确认原文并找出「原出处」,通过首次进入中共中央政法委主办的「中国平安网」才了解到,原来这篇文章来自2008年6月17日朱苏力以「北京大学法学院院长」的头衔在中央政法委主办研讨班上所作专题讲座内容。除了大法官们、大检察官们外,「中央政法委机关全体同志及中央政法各部门有关同志听取了讲座」 2。可见,此专题讲座对中国司法界或政法界高层领导的影响应当是很直接的。

又据2006年12月6日《人民日报》以及其它官方媒体相关报导,由中宣部、中央政法委、司法部及中国法学会联合举办「百名法学家百场报告会」,重点对各省党政干部、政法干警进行法治宣讲活动。朱苏力作为「百名法学家」之一,已到全国各省市巡回演讲了与上述讲座基本同样的观点。因此朱苏力在中央政法委的专题讲座内容并不是他临时发挥而是精心准备的结果。然而,由于朱苏力在有关法治及人权这些重大问题上有许多明显违反常识的错误,恐有误其长官和误人子弟(至少对北大法学院学生而言)之嫌,我觉得有必要在这里指出几点。

一、法治理念是随消灭封建制度而产生的吗?

朱苏力认为法治是欧洲消灭封建主义地方秩序之后才产生的,他这样说道:

「各自为阵「的小型社会秩序和法律无法满足商品交换对更大范围内的统一市场的要求,成为市场经济发展的一种障碍。新兴的资产阶级要实现其经济利益和政治理想,必须消灭封建主义地方秩序,在更大区域内形成统一的国家,并形成不矛盾的、明确的和普遍适用的规则体系。由此产生的法治的理念,隐含的也就是法律面前人人平等、法律的公平效率等等理念。 (more…)

Quote of the day: Ai Weiwei on boycotting French products

Filed under: In English, in Chinese, news — Rui Guo @ 11:41 am

You stupid xenophobes, Paris Commune’s children will never yield to your threat of boycotting their perfume. –Ai Weiwei

弱智的爱国者们, 巴黎公社后代不会因为你不买他的香水而屈服的。–艾未未

December 12, 2008

Who are the rich in China?

Filed under: China, In English — Rui Guo @ 1:33 am

According to an official report, 2932 out of 3220 billionaires in China are children of senior officials.

See http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/07…

December 11, 2008

Charter 08 (Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link)

Filed under: China, In English, news — Rui Guo @ 10:12 pm

Charter 08

Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link

The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people…… united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.

The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.

The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.

On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.

I. Foreword

A hundred years have passed since the writing of China‘s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.

By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to“modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.

The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China‘s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China‘s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.

The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a“cultural illness”was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of“science and democracy.”Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.

Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The“new China”that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that“the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful. “The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens‘rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.

During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of“Reform and Opening”gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of“rights”to a partial acknowledgment of them.

In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase“respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a“national human rights action plan.”Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.

The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.

As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.

II. Our Fundamental Principles

This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:

Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.

Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China‘s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.

Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.

Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of“fairness in all under heaven.”It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.

Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly“of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.

III. What We Advocate

Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an“enlightened overlord”or an“honest official”and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens‘rights, and social development:

1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China‘s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.

2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.

3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.

4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.

5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.

6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of“Reeducation through Labor”must be abolished.

7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on“one person, one vote.”The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.

8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.

9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be“approved,”should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.

10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.

11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to“the crime of incitement to subvert state power”must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.

12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.

13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens‘rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.

14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.

15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.

16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.

17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.

18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.

19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.

China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China‘s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.

Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens‘movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.

—translated from the Chinese by Perry Link

Joke of the Date

Filed under: Joke, in Chinese — Rui Guo @ 1:05 pm

两个苏联人相遇,聊起来工作。

–您现在在哪工作?

–中学当老师.您呢?

–克格勃

–啊,您在克格勃具体干什么?

–我们负责揪出那些对国家不满的家伙。

–您的意思是….还有人比较满意?

–这些人不归我们管.管他们的是纪委。

News_20 Minuten (English: 20 Minutes) on Wumao (50-cent) and Global Times’ Rebuke

Filed under: In English, Joke, in Chinese — Rui Guo @ 12:33 pm

Chinese governmental media Global Times has a news report today rebuking a foreign media’s (20 Minuten English: 20 Minutes) false report about recent Chinese internet bashing of France.Global Times accuses 20 Munuten falsely reported that Chinese netizens criticizing France got 5 cents (Euro) from the government. What remains unclear, however, is whether 20 Minuten said ALL those Chinese netizens criticizing France received 5 cents or only SOME of them did, on which Global Times’ rebuke says nothing. The Global Times’ rebuke occupies the cover page of major Chinese news websites today.

(Please see past posts of this site on Wu Mao.)

瑞士媒体污蔑我国网民为赚5分钱欧元骂法国

环球时报这篇报道的含混之处在于数量–记者并没有说瑞士媒体《20分钟》到底说有多少这样赚5分钱欧元的网民。如果瑞士媒体说的是全体中国网民的话,那肯定是污蔑,我们也应该义愤填膺;如果说到是部分的话,那倒没什么失实,因为确有拿5毛钱的网民–也就是通常所言中国的五毛党。这些人其实算不上网民,该算是网监(奸)。

常识告诉我们,“赚5分钱欧元”的所谓网民多半指的是中国的五毛党。如果这些成立的话,瑞士媒体也就谈不上污蔑,最多算是侮辱–在法律上,污蔑(准确地说是诽谤)与不实之词对应,侮辱与客观存在的事实对应。例如,张三本来是个小偷,如果有报纸报道说他贪污公款,应追究报纸污蔑的责任;如果说他是个小偷,最多算是侮辱,因为张三本来就是个小偷–这样的侮辱法律常常不管,因为让小偷觉得羞耻不算是件坏事。

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