Economist: Harsh justice in China–Don’t mess with us

Harsh justice in China

Don’t mess with us

Dec 30th 2009 | BEIJING
From The Economist print edition

No forgiveness; no quarter. Happy Christmas from China

Reuters

A SEASON of good cheer in much of the world, late December saw a typically harsh apportionment of justice by China’s legal system, and a typically rigid display of governmental indifference to foreign opinion. On Christmas Day a Beijing court sentenced Liu Xiaobo, a veteran human-rights activist, to 11 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power”. China swatted away all criticism about this as groundless meddling in its internal affairs.

In a separate case that was not entirely an internal affair, China’s reaction was not much different. On December 21st Akmal Shaikh, a 53-year-old Briton charged with smuggling drugs, had his death sentence upheld by China’s Supreme People’s Court. Rejecting pleas for clemency from Mr Shaikh’s family, international human-rights groups, and the British government, Chinese authorities executed him by lethal injection on December 29th in the north-western region of Xinjiang, where he was first arrested in late 2007 after carrying roughly 4kg of heroin into the country.

Family members claimed Mr Shaikh suffered from bipolar disorder, and was the victim of manipulation by the drugs traffickers who, they claimed, tricked him into carrying the contraband. British officials announced news of the execution before China did. Hours after it took place China’s foreign-ministry spokeswoman, Jiang Yu, said it would brook no outside interference in the workings of its legal system, and expressed “strong dissatisfaction and resolute opposition” to Britain’s complaints. The prime minister, Gordon Brown had said he was “appalled” and condemned the execution “in the strongest terms”. Ms Jiang said Mr Shaikh’s case was handled appropriately and all his legal rights had been honoured at trial. A day after the execution, Chinese newspapers were full of angry commentary over Britain’s attempt to intervene. Many drew comparisons to the Opium War.

Although it ended in the first known execution of a European in China since the 1950s, Mr Shaikh’s case was otherwise not unusual. According to available (and incomplete) statistics, China executed 1,700 convicts in 2008, or nearly five each day.

Neither was the harsh treatment meted out to Mr Liu unusual by Chinese standards. Criticism of the government, though always risky, is sometimes tolerated. Attempts to organise criticism, however, as Mr Liu had by helping draft a petition calling for political freedoms, are routinely met with a firm thumping. Jailed twice before for his political activities Mr Liu knew this as well as anyone. He had said he was ready to face prison again.

The document he helped write in December 2008 was called Charter 08. It soon attracted more than 300 other Chinese signatures. Its publication marked the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In the year since its release, thousands more have signed it.

Charter 08 calls for sweeping changes in China’s political order, including an end to limits on free expression, political activity and religious practice. It proposes drastic reforms that would dismantle one-party rule, allow public supervision of government officials, and free the army and judiciary from Communist Party control.

Mr Liu was detained just before the release of the manifesto and held for six months before charges were lodged. His sentencing came two days after a trial lasting less than three hours. The 11-year term exceeds any other known sentence for the vague crime of “inciting subversion”. Within days of the sentencing, Chinese media published a speech by a senior security official who warned of threats to China’s social stability from “hostile forces stirring up chaos” and called for “pre-emptive attacks” against them. “In the new year, there will be no relaxation of stability preservation, and no lightening of pressure on stability,” said Yang Huanning, a deputy minister of public security.

Mr Liu won supporters on the internet, a central theatre these days in the struggle for civil liberties. The authorities are moving to tighten their control there. Besides stepping up monitoring and blocking “unsuitable” web traffic, regulators have put new restrictions on the registration and operation of websites by individuals.

The founder of a web-hosting service in Beijing says that internet servers have been unceremoniously unplugged under new rules and new standards of enforcement. “For nine years I have run a successful and legal business, and now I have suddenly been told that what I do makes me a criminal.” Worried that his company may not survive, and angry about the arbitrary changes, he will not, however, circulate a protest petition—not if he is wise, that is.

Xue Ying: in the information age China is returning to a close kingdom just as it was during the Opium War

面临信息时代的”鸦片战争”?

ying (2009年12月29日 14:28

到年底都有些想总结的意思,2009年我感觉了一个”堵”字。

每 天上网都能看到堵心的关键词”封”,”墙”,”关”等,尤其是最近这段时间就没有一天是躲过这些词的。Google的什么功能又被封 了,Youtube,Twitter被长期封了,上百视频网站被关了,服务器机房被拔线造成上万不涉黄的网站不能访问了;绿霸要控制内容,其控制的关键 字,关键词的清单比裹脚布还长了,还有最近出现白名单和黑名单了,网站的论坛功能要关闭了,BBS要整顿了等等。总之就是可以看的东西越来越少,可以讲话 的地方越来越少,可以交流的方式越来越有限。还不放弃获人们被堵在了有限的几块”高地”上。

一连串的”防洪堵漏”让 互联网行业倒退。创业人担心了,创业风险大了,开发出来的东西不符合国家政策怎么办?与国家竞争了怎么办?投资人害怕了,担心投下去的千万美元会不会由于 政策的改变,政府的打击而打了水漂?对华投资风险的计算成倍加大,看不清楚形势就观望,结果看到了政府资金的介入,民退国进。利益驱动和政治目的使互联网 行业逐渐成为难以涉足,也不是并无可能。无自由发展的环境,这样的互联网行业哪里还可以有创新?

对于互联网的封锁,知识信息的封锁,不仅压制了互联网本行业的发展,也限制了国人的思想,创造力,在各个行业都将产生负面的影响。 没有开放自由的网络环境,拥抱世界的宽容,我们连竞争的机会都没有。我最担心就是中国人习惯了封闭的环境后放弃了创新的动力,追求突破的勇气。

学生时代历史课上每次讲到耻辱的鸦片战争,老师都会去强调一个关键词”封闭”,直接与之联系起来的关键词是清国的”落后”,”愚昧”和”腐败”。在西方工业革命如火如荼,日本明治维新推行西学强国时,清国封锁了国家的生产力发展的可能。中国,2009年,网络最常看到的关键词是什么?是”封”,”墙”,”关”, 让我不由担心,在信息时代,还有什么比封闭知识信息,封闭人民的思想来得更为可怕的。未来,科技强国可以拿着他们炫目的科技产品,人性化的互联网应用,以 及激动人心的文化产品攻击中国的消费者,让中国不断为他们的研发,他们的发展买单。我们岂不是再次沦为了”耻辱”的一国?

相信很多人已经看到了新闻,WTO贸易仲裁判定我国有限制美国文化产品进口的行为,包括音乐,电影以及影视作品等,意味着中国将进口更多的美国文化产品。这也许是个开始,处于被动的开始。

看着其他人为寻求突破,追求创新在迸发激情,碰撞火花的时候,我妒忌。

原文引用通告:http://transying.com/mt-tb.cgi/41

上访者到底是被谁强奸?

上访者到底是被谁强奸?

from
 http://www.eeo.com.cn/observer/shelun/20…

经济观察网 五岳散人/文 前段时间,一位上访者被人强暴,这几天传出消息,施暴者被判刑8年,而对于此事,当地检察院认为量刑有轻纵的嫌疑,已经向法院提出了抗诉。看到这条消息,倒是真的想为这个抗诉的检察院喝彩。

喝彩完事之后,心情沉重依然。这件事的发生大概情况是这样:某位女士上访,被当地派来截访的人士以找个“能睡觉、能吃饭、能解决问题的地方”为名,骗至集中管理上访者的地方,最终才遭此厄运。如果没有截访这件事,大约此事是不会发生的。

但怎么可能没有截访?上访是制度之下留的最后一条救济渠道,在其他任何方法都穷尽之时,这是唯一一丝渺茫的希望。 但这并非是司法救济,而是行政力量的干预力为基础的。但行政机构对于上访这件事又是相当的敏感,在很多地方是政绩考核的一部分。所以,截访是必然的行为, 甚至是受到鼓励的行为之一。有很多截访的丑剧就众目睽睽、光天化日之下发生在信访局的门口,可以做这个论断的证据。

没有上访会不会好一点?应该说上访这个制度并非是为了最终有个包青天式的人物出来拨乱反正,要是真有这么多包青天 的话,大概直接把他们派到地方也足够弊绝风清了。上访制度设立的理由,恐怕更多的是用着渺茫的希望羁绊住很多人不走上过于激烈的对抗社会的绝路,减少一些 不安定因素而已。中国的老百姓,但凡还有一丝希望就不会过于激烈的对抗,就像有一碗饭吃就不会造反的先民一样。所以,上访制度还是在很长一段时间会存在 的。

一边是形同虚设的上访制度、一边是看上去不合理、但得到支持与默许的截访手段,那些看守自然也就不会把这些被截的 上访人士当人看了。当时,这些被“集中管理”的上访者在一个房子当中,就没有人敢上前制止这种行为。这就像是犯人不敢制止狱卒的凌辱是一个道理是一样的。 但没有任何法律说这些上访者是犯法的,他们并不具有犯人的身份,可在那些看守者眼里,他们与犯人无异。

结果,结论就会昭然若揭:这种事迟早会发生,而且以后还是会不断发生。即使不发生这种事,难道把上访者截回来之 后,按上一个精神病的帽子变相拘禁没有发生过?难道找任何理由把上访者投入监狱没有发生过?这几乎已经成为了一个制度化的机制在运转着,但没有多少人知道 其中的内情。

或许我们会问,到底强暴这位上访者的到底是谁?看上去这是一个个人行为,是一次没有预谋的“临时性强奸”,但事实真的是如此么?在一个运转“良好”的机制之下,这种强暴不是临时性的,而是一种长期的、有组织的行为,区别只是在于这次是通过某个人的生殖器官而已。

所以,我们所看到的东西不过是具体的个案,深隐其后的东西在制造着更多的强暴者与被强暴者。

剽窃案例一则

[记者剽窃受访人,可谓一奇。]

《南方周末》,请你拿出诚信来!
——回应南方周末职规会的调查结论

作者:刘慧儒

11月24日,我写的《文化作坊离黑店还有多远?》一文被贴到了网上,《南
方周末》随即“依例启动调查程序”,就其记者夏榆涉嫌抄袭剽窃一事进行调查,
11月30日公布了《南方周末职业规范委员会对刘慧儒先生指控的调查结论》。

《南方周末》对一篇网上的批评文章如此重视并迅速调查核实,作出反应,
其情可嘉。但其调查程序和结论,我实在不敢苟同。 Continue reading

[转贴]东拉西扯:全都是水——我看2009年中国互联网

[点评:秦刚(外交部发言人)说,我们不怕互联网——他的潜台词是,互联网怕我们。这篇2009互联网回顾生动地诠释了秦刚的话。]

东拉西扯:全都是水——我看2009年中国互联网

胡泳翻译了克莱·舍基的一本书,《Here Comes Everybody》,中文译本改名为《未来是湿的》。这本书探讨的问题是,无组织的组织力量,怎样改变了我们现实的社会。在观察全球互联网革命浪潮的时候,我们不得不或者主动或者被动地回到我们脚下的这片土地,一次又一次地发现它的神奇,它的不可思议。

不用去费劲地想象未来,2009年的中国互联网已经很湿,哪哪儿都是水——口水。

《魔兽世界》运营权变更所引发的各种势力的较量,官媒对“谷歌涉黄”问题展开的大批判,谷歌图书项目所唤醒的中国作家莫名其妙的维权意识,视频网站版权大战,杀毒软件收费免费之争,两个开心网的商标权之争,乃至新闻出版总署跟文化部两个政府部门之间的勾心斗角,所有这一切,都证明中国互联网已经成了一个大水坑。3亿多中国网民每天浸淫在这被“绿坝”精心呵护的澎湃的口水中,幸福着,满足着,一如被三聚氰胺喂养的一代婴儿。

空中漂浮着数不清的舌头,我们却看不清舌头后面的那些嘴脸。互联网早就不是当年的那个互联网,那个由一群没权没势的知识英雄所开创的知识经济试验场。互联网已经深深地影响着现实的政治、经济、文化、商业和整个社会,更重要的是,互联网已经被证明,它可以创造财富,巨大的财富。所以各种各样的面目模糊的势力杀进来了,他们嗅觉灵敏,目标明确,出手果断,有组织有纪律,只要是有肉的地方,都能看到他们翻飞的翅膀,听到他们嗡嗡的噪声。

这就是中国的互联网,墙越筑越高,篱笆越扎越厚,地盘就是利益,更大的利益需要更高的权力保护。从谷歌涉黄,到绿坝,再到CCTV狠敲中移动,“保护未成年人”确实是一把屡试不爽的利刃,可用来切割利益,划分地盘。当年的草寇,如今也换上了正统的面具,一边在权力的怀中撒娇,一边把手里的刀子,捅向新来的草寇。人们说,水很深。是啊,很深,越来越深。3亿网民,情愿或不情愿地,都成了贾君鹏。

在这深不见底的污水坑中,中国互联网终于圆满地符合中国国情了,国情有多脏,它就有多脏。你要么潜规则别人,要么被别人潜规则,独善其身是不可能的。

您别误会,我从没有期待一个世外桃源,毕竟我还有赶不尽杀不绝的翻墙工具,我可以浮出水面透口气。但这一潭污水,已经窒息了一个产业的发展,让互联网成为强盗的乐土,权力的玩偶。在这里,一切“无组织的组织力量”,终将被组织接管,接管不了或不想接管的,封掉或关掉即可。

中国互联网产业总产值已经接近千亿元,其中三分之一是游戏贡献的。我知道互联网未来会变得更大,产值更高,这就意味着,会有更多看得见和看不见的脏手,伸进来,水也会更多,更脏。就是这样。

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