国家的弃儿：献给9．11结石宝宝周年纪念日
作者：冉云飞
冉按：这是为今日结石宝宝受害周年纪念而写的专文，首发于陈奎德兄主政的“纵览中国”。在此，谨向以赵连海为首的结石宝家长不屈扰的争取自己权利的努力，表达我的敬意。今晨又看到一则残害青少年的新闻“多省‘毒疫苗’学生家长集体到卫生部上访受挫。
http://www.peacehall.com/news/gb/china/2009/09/200909110039.shtml”实在是令人愤怒。以后有暇再写一篇《中国残害青少年方法举隅》，以便看看官方是如何放纵并参与这些恶行的。2009年9月11日7：56分于成都
一
这个国家对儿童的愚弄与残害，由来已久，并非始自今日，可谓古已有之，于今为烈。古代的课本不说了，就是今天的课本也有诸多不堪之处。愚民教育是我们教育的底色，外表上的光鲜掩忽不住那愚民的核心。许多成人之所以没有权利意识，不知做人的权利和尊严如何受到侵犯，其原因在于我们的教育使他们始终处于蒙昧之中而不自知。 (more…)
9月8日，商务部、国家统计局、国家外汇管理局联合发布的《2008年度中国对外直接投资统计公报》（下称统计公报）显示，2008年，中国对外直接投资净额达559.1亿美元，较上年增长111%，年度对外直接投资额首次突破500亿美元。
金融类对外直接投资尤为活跃，达到140.5亿美元，同比增长741%；非金融类对外直接投资同比增长68.5%。
See 2008年中国对外直投额翻番
[Economist has an article on the legitimacy of private wealth in China. The article highlights the risks of being rich, especially for those with their names on the Forbes list. ]
The stigma of wealth in China
Sep 3rd 2009 | HONG KONG
From The Economist print edition
MOST Chinese assume it is something of a mixed blessing to appear in the annual rankings of China’s wealthiest citizens published by Forbes magazine. Early this year a novel with the title “The curse of Forbes” was syndicated in a Chinese magazine before being published as a book. Anyone on the list, its protagonist warns, is “dead meat”. The rankings are widely known as “pig-killing lists”—a reference to the fate the authorities are thought to have in mind for those who appear on them. In a review of the book, Forbes reflects on the fact that many people on its Chinese lists have indeed been detained or arrested, and asks whether “anyone in China is safe from the curse”.
《财经》杂志：湖南血铅超标阴云
记者：罗洁琪 张瑞丹 徐超
“在当地政府组织检测的1958名儿童中，有1354人血铅疑似超标。”
“铅中毒实际上仅是浮在水面上的一个“信号灯”，真正的冰山还隐藏在水下。”
–《湖南血铅超标阴云》
Arbitration needed
Jul 30th 2009 | BEIJING
From The Economist print edition
WORKERS’ opposition to privatisation and job cuts is widespread but rarely takes so brutal a form as it did on July 24th in northeastern Jilin province, when steel workers chased down and killed an executive who had reportedly come to tell them that an imminent privatisation of their factory would bring massive job cuts. Hong Kong-based human-rights monitors reported that 30,000 workers were involved, though Chinese officials insist the number was lower. By all accounts, the ugly scene at the Tonghua Iron and Steel Plant ended in the bloody beating and death of Chen Guojun, general manager of the private Jianlong Group which already owned a minority stake in the plant.
The incident highlights not only China’s labour discontent but the country’s difficulty in dealing with it. Last year, China introduced a series of labour laws that improved mediation and set up an arbitration process to give workers better formal recourse for their grievances, both individual and collective. Workers have indeed been using the process in greater numbers (see chart). But only a small share of disputes are taken up, whereas discontents are multiplying. Whether in factories, mines or construction sites, workplace conditions in China are often atrocious, and workers’ safety an afterthought. Nominal legal provisions calling for minimum wages and guaranteed rest days are routinely ignored. One of commonest complaints is the failure to pay wages. Workers go months without being paid, leading to frequent sit-ins or demonstrations.
None of these actions is organised by unions. In name, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) is a vast union bureaucracy running from the national level to small enterprises. In practice it is controlled by the Communist Party at the national level and, in companies, is mostly a tool of the management. According to Chris Xiaoyun Lin, a lawyer specialising in Chinese labour, unions may find ways to play a greater role in future, such as by drafting labour laws and representing workers in collective bargaining. But they are unlikely to gain independence from the party—or anything like the influence of unions in Japan or South Korea.
When Chinese labour disputes get unruly, local governments often respond by trying to placate the workers and maintain stability, according to Geoffrey Crothall of the Hong Kong-based China Labour Bulletin. “They recognise that workers have legitimate grievances and are not rabble-rousers out to overthrow the government.” On the day of the Tonghua incident, the provincial government ordered Jianlong to abandon its plan to buy out the steel plant. Placating protesting workers may help calm a tense situation. But in the absence of genuine unions or better enforcement of the laws, it may also serve to encourage more protests.
文字游戏和邓玉娇
from: http://redcave.blog.sohu.com/118368104.html
中国有五万六千多个汉字，延伸出来的字意更是不可计数，因此提供了中国人许多“玩字”的机会；闲暇之余,玩玩文字游戏，娱乐一番,不仅提高了国人对文字的兴趣,也让原本看起来有点古板,死死的文字,彷佛注入了灵魂。
巴东阿娇案的两次官方通报，便很有趣，值得玩味! (more…)
2009年5月24日，由北京大学妇女法律研究与服务中心和益仁平两家公益机构共同发起组办的“妇女人权与尊严维护暨邓玉娇事件法律研讨会”在北京天连大厦召开。
参会人员有专家、学者、媒体、公益机构、执业律师等。与会人员围绕邓玉娇事件，从各个方面谈起。刘晓原律师认为，应呼吁妇联对此案进行关注。面对妇女权利受到侵害，做为妇女的娘家人不能保持沉默。刘律师和其他六名律师联名在网上发布倡议信，要求妇联公开发表声明。全国妇联在网民的呼吁下，对此事也做出一定回应。 (more…)
邓玉娇案件已经侦查终结了，警方公布的结论是“防卫过当”，这个结论隐去了一个重要的内容，那就是邓玉娇涉嫌的罪名，因为防卫过当只是一个量刑情节，而一个案件侦查终结警方必须对犯罪嫌疑人涉嫌的罪名下一个结论。如果是正当防卫，邓玉娇无需承担刑事责任，反而会成为手刃淫贼、惩恶扬善的英雄，如果是防卫过当，邓玉娇可能会因“故意杀人罪”、“故意伤害罪”等等中的某个罪名而被判决承担刑事责任，她最美丽的青春年华可能会在铁窗下度过。邓玉娇的命运依然扑朔迷离！
作为生活在社会底层的打工妹，邓玉娇本想用手中的修脚刀来创造属于自己的生活，这样的生活也许不富裕，但是会平静和安宁，但是在2009年5月10日的这一天，修脚刀却成为邓玉娇捍卫自己尊严和清白的自卫武器。这是一个弱女子为千百年来女性作为男人性欲工具的悲剧命运最刚烈也是最绝望的反抗和呐喊！
该案反映了老百姓关注的司法正义、官员腐败、社会断裂等等问题，但该案更以极端的方式暴露了在中国千百年来男权社会下对女性的歧视，特别是对她们人格和尊严的歧视和漠视！在邓贵大之流的眼里，女性只是他们发泄性欲的工具，而那些挣扎在社会底层、失去话语权的弱势群体–打工妹们则更是只有屈从！这也是邓玉娇案披露后在全国范围内引起强烈反响的原因之一，因为它打碎了最弱势的女子面对强权和凌辱只能逆来顺受的传统定型观念。但事实上，打工妹所承受的性别歧视和伤害远远不止这一点，在劳动权领域、婚姻家庭权利和土地权益等各个方面我们都能看到严重的社会性别歧视。她们需要得到政府和社会更多和更为全面的关注！
作为一个长期致力于维护妇女权益、促进性别平等的公益组织，在邓玉娇案披露后我们和其他NGO组织共同召开了该案的专家研讨会，在网上加入了女界声援团、邓玉娇案律师后援团和邓玉娇案观察团等，尽我们所能为邓玉娇提供帮助。我们关注邓玉娇本人的命运，但我们更期待全社会通过邓玉娇事件反思我们所习以为常的传统社会性别心理，从观念上、意识上进而从制度设计上去尊重女性的人格尊严和法律权利。
但愿邓玉娇能唤醒强势者的良知、公众的意识，让我们每个人都能从思想上、灵魂上体会、理解、尊重邓玉娇们的呼唤，让她的悲剧不再重演！
我们愿一如既往地为邓玉娇提供道义和法律的援助。
我们相信法律会给邓玉娇一个公正的判决！
北京大学法学院妇女法律研究与服务中心
二00九年六月二日
