Wired, and Threatened

I have a short op-ed on how technology provides both power and peril for journalists over at JURIST. Here’s the lede:

Journalists have never been more empowered, or more threatened. Information technology offers journalists potent tools to gather, report and disseminate information — from satellite phones to pocket video cameras to social networks. Technological advances have democratized reporting… Technology creates risks along with capabilities however… [and] The arms race of information technology is not one-sided.

Do Reactions To Drug-Sniffing Dogs Say More About Drug Policy Than Privacy?

In Florida v. Jardines, the U.S. Supreme Court will determine whether the sniff of a trained narcotics dog at the front door of a person’s home constitutes a Fourth Amendment search. This is very exciting for privacy scholars because it presents two possible shifts in Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. First, the court might further expand Justice Scalia’s “magical places” rationale to reinforce that the home is a formidable privacy fortress, protecting all information from the detection of government agents unless that information happens to be visible to the human eye.

The second possibility — the one I root for — is that the court may choose to reopen the holding and reasoning of the previous dog sniff cases, Place and Caballes (which determined that dog sniffs conducted on a car and on luggage did not constitute a search.) Justice Stevens’ majority opinion in Caballes held that a dog sniff “discloses only the presence or absence of narcotics, a contraband item.” (Quoting Place.) While Justice Souter found this assumption deeply flawed, Stevens avoided wrestling with the false alert problem on procedural and evidentiary grounds.

Although respondent argues that the error rates, particularly the existence of false positives, call into question the premise that drug-detection dogs alert only to contraband, the record contains no evidence or findings that support his argument.

This is certainly fixable. Because the reasoning of the former precedents partially rests on the mythical infallible dog, it is high time (heh heh) the court ditch the old cases and start the dog sniff analysis anew in light of dog error rates.

In honor of the Court’s decision to take cert in Jardines, I recently conducted a short survey of 187 Brooklyn Law School students to understand the privacy intuitions of the next generation of lawyers. I asked the students whether contraband-detecting dog sniffs under three different scenarios should be considered an invasion of privacy in the absence of suspicion or probable cause. In the first scenario, the dog never generates a false alert. If the dog indicates that the area contains contraband, contraband will be found 100% of the time. This is the perfectly accurate dog (or, rather, even if it fails to detect contraband, it will never alert when contraband is not present.) The second dog has a 1% false alert rate. If the dog alerts, contraband will be found 99% of the time. The other 1% of alerts result in an unproductive search – there is no contraband present. The third dog has a 10% false alert rate.  If the third dog alerts, contraband will be found 90% of the time. It’s worth noting at the outset that all three of these fantasy dogs are much more accurate than real police dogs out in the field.   Read more…

Never Mind the FIPs, Here’s the New Intrusion

My new article, “Space Invaders: Intrusion in the Digital Age,” lays out the case against the Fair Information Practice principles (“FIPs”) and for continued reliance on tort to shape American privacy law.

The FIPs were originally articulated and presented to Congress in the 1973 HEW Report. The European Union’s Data Protection Directive draws heavily on FIPs, and now they have been incorporated into President Obama’s proposed Consumer Privacy Bill of Rights. But, notwithstanding the fact that the word “Fair”appears in their title, the FIPs are a misguided overreaction to computers and data. (Indeed, one subsection of the HEW Report is titled “Too Much Data.”)

The FIPs have two irredeemable flaws. First, they create property rights in accurate facts. FIPs require data minimization, purpose-limitation, and consent before information is shared or re-used. In other words, they allow people to exert exclusive control over the information that describes them. This too quickly subjugates the free flow of legitimately collected information to the private interests of individuals. Second, FIPs create error in the other direction, too. A person may fail to exert control over their information and suffer a predictable, avoidable downstream harm.

Instead of creating vast new information property rights, the U.S. should continue to use tort law to balance legitimate privacy interests against the public’s interests in information flow. This article shows how the old intrusion tort, the best incarnation of Warren & Brandeis’s “right to be let alone,” can be updated to curb some of the most disconcerting data practices.

From the introduction:

This Article makes two contributions to the scholarly discourse—one organizational, and one normative. First, it develops a new taxonomy that tracks the flow of data. Personal information passes through four distinct states where regulation can apply: observation, capture (when a record is created), dissemination, and use. While existing taxonomies organize the theories of information privacy across the harms experienced, the framework introduced here flips the orientation. First it determines how information can be regulated, and then it analyzes the nature of the harm. By focusing on the practical effects of regulation, the competing interests in privacy and information flow can be evaluated in a consistent manner.

Second, the Article employs the taxonomy to make normative claims about the current and future state of American privacy law among private actors. Popular privacy proposals, though politically expedient, will undermine the public’s interests in innovation and knowledge-production. In contrast, regulation targeting information flow at its source—at the point of observation—can be significantly expanded without running into conceptual pitfalls.

The intrusion tort is the quintessential example of a restriction on observation. This Article proposes an expansion of the intrusion tort to fit the modern technological landscape. Intrusion should provide recourse not for the creation of personal data, which is a necessary byproduct of well-functioning technologies, but for the observation of that data. Since the intrusion tort is conceptually adaptable to changing technology, legal enforcement of the right to seclusion can expand sensibly, outlawing the most disconcerting data practices without imposing unrealistic demands on industry and regulatory enforcement agencies.

A valuable side effect of this project is its vindication of American privacy law’s origins in tort. Because the contours of tort law are designed in reference to broader societal interests rather than the interest of a single particular victim, tort is in the best position to address new information problems. It can target and deter practices that eventually reveal themselves to be truly harmful without taking a premature position on how much data is “too much.”

Pakistan Scrubs the Net

Pakistan, which has long censored the Internet, has decided to upgrade its cybersieves. And, like all good bureaucracies, the government has put the initiative out for bid. According to the New York Times, Pakistan wants to spend $10 million on a system that can block up to 50 million URLs concurrently, with minimal effect on network speed. (That’s a lot of Web pages.) Internet censorship is on the march worldwide (and the U.S. is no exception). There are at least three interesting things about Pakistan’s move:

First, the country’s openness about its censorial goals is admirable. Pakistan is informing its citizens, along with the rest of us, that it wants to bowdlerize the Net. And, it is attempting to do so in a way that is more uniform than under its current system, where filtering varies by ISP. I don’t necessarily agree with Pakistan’s choice, but I do like that the country is straightforward with its citizens, who have begun to respond.

Second, the California-based filtering company Websense announced that it will not bid on the contract. That’s fascinating – a tech firm has decided that the public relations damage from helping Pakistan censor the Net is greater than the $10M in revenue it could gain. (Websense argues, of course, that its decision is a principled one. If you believe that, you are probably a member of the Ryan Braun Clean Competition fan club.)

Finally, the state is somewhat vague about what it will censor: it points to pornography, blasphemy, and material that affects national security. The last part is particularly worrisome: the national security trump card is a potent force after 9/11 and its concomitant fallout in Pakistan’s neighborhood, and censorship based on it tends to be secret. There is also real risk that national security interests = interests of the current government. America has an unpleasant history of censoring political dissent based on security worries, and Pakistan is no different.

I’ll be fascinated to see which companies take up Pakistan’s offer to propose…

Cross-posted at Concurring Opinions.

Santorum: Please Don’t Google

If you Google “Santorum,” you’ll find that two of the top three search results take an unusual angle on the Republican candidate, thanks to sex columnist Dan Savage. (I very nearly used “Santorum” as a Google example in class last semester, and only just thought better of it.) Santorum’s supporters want Google to push the, er, less conventional site further down the rankings, and allege that Google’s failure to do so is political bias. That claim is obviously a load of Santorum, but the situation has drawn more thoughtful responses. Danny Sullivan argues that Google should implement a disclaimer, because kids may search on “Santorum” and be disturbed by what they find, or because they may think Google has a political agenda. (The site has one for “jew,” for example. For a long time, the first result for that search term was to the odious and anti-Semitic JewWatch site.)

This suggestion is well-intentioned but flatly wrong. I’m not an absolutist: I like how Google handled the problem of having a bunch of skinheads show up as a top result for “jew.” But I don’t want Google as the Web police, though many disagree. Should the site implement a disclaimer if you search for “Tommy Lee Pamela Anderson”? (Warning: sex tape.) If you search for “flat earth theory,” should Google tell you that you are potentially a moron? I don’t think so. Disclaimers should be the nuclear option for Google – partly so they continue to attract attention, and partly because they move Google from a primarily passive role as filter to a more active one as commentator. I generally like my Web results without knowing what Google thinks about them.

Evgeny Morozov has made a similar suggestion, though along different lines: he wants Google to put up a banner or signal when someone searches for links between vaccines and autism, or proof that the Pentagon / Israelis / Santa Claus was behind the 9/11 attacks. I’m more sympathetic to Evgeny’s idea, but I would limit banners or disclaimers to situations that meet two criteria. First, the facts of the issue must be clear-cut: pi is not equal to three (and no one really thinks so), and the planet is indisputably getting warmer. And second, the issue must be one that is both currently relevant and with significant consequences. The flat earthers don’t count; the anti-vaccine nuts do. (People who fail to immunize their children not only put them at risk; they put their classmates and friends at risk, too.) Lastly, I think there’s importance to having both a sense of humor and a respect for discordant, even false speech. The Santorum thing is darn funny. And, in the political realm, we have a laudable history of tolerating false or inflammatory speech, because we know the perils of censorship. So, keeping spreading Santorum!

Cross-posted at Concurring Opinions.

Lifehacker on Ubiquitous Infringement

Lifehacker‘s Adam Dachis has a great article on how users can deal with a world in which they infringe copyright constantly, both deliberately and inadvertently. (Disclaimer alert: I talked with Adam about the piece.) It’s a practical guide to a strict liability regime – no intent / knowledge requirement for direct infringement – that operates not as a coherent body of law, but as a series of reified bargains among stakeholders. And props to Adam for the Downfall reference! I couldn’t get by without the mockery of the iPhone or SOPA that it makes possible…

Cross-posted to Concurring Opinions.

Stealing the Throne

Ever-brilliant Web comic The Oatmeal has a great piece about piracy and its alternatives. (The language at the end is a bit much, but it is the character’s evil Jiminy Cricket talking.) It mirrors my opinion about Major League Baseball’s unwillingness to offer any Internet access to the postseason, which is hard on those of us who don’t own TVs (or subscribe to cable). Even if you don’t agree with my moral claims, it’s obvious that as the price of lawful access diverges from the price of unlawful access (which is either zero, or the expected present value of a copyright suit, which is darn near zero), infringement goes up.

So, if you want to see Game of Thrones (and I do), your options are: subscribe to cable plus HBO, or pirate. I think the series rocks, but I’m not paying $100 a month for it. If HBO expects me to do so, it weakens their moral claim against piracy.

Unconvinced? Imagine instead that HBO offers to let you watch Game of Thrones for free – but the only place on Earth you can view the series is in the Kodak Theater in Hollywood. You’re located in rural Iowa? Well, you’ve no cause for complaint! Fly to LA! I suspect that translating costs into physical costs makes the argument clearer: HBO charges not only for the content, but bundles it with one particular delivery medium. If that medium is unavailable to you, or unaffordable, you’re out of luck.

Unless, of course, you have broadband, and can BitTorrent.

As a minimum, I plan not to support any SOPA-like legislation until the content industries begin to offer viable Internet-based delivery mechanisms that at least begin to compete with piracy…

Cross-posted at Concurring Opinions.

Cyberbullying and the Cheese-Eating Surrender Monkeys

(This post is based on a talk I gave at the Seton Hall Legislative Journal’s symposium on Bullying and the Social Media Generation. Many thanks to Frank Pasquale, Marisa Hourdajian, and Michelle Newton for the invitation, and to Jane Yakowitz and Will Creeley for a great discussion!)

Introduction

New Jersey enacted the Anti-Bullying Bill of Rights (ABBR) in 2011, in part as a response to the tragic suicide of Tyler Clementi at Rutgers University. It is routinely lauded as the country’s broadest, most inclusive, and strongest anti-bullying law. That is not entirely a compliment. In this post, I make two core claims. First, the Anti-Bullying Bill of Rights has several aspects that are problematic from a First Amendment perspective – in particular, the overbreadth of its definition of prohibited conduct, the enforcement discretion afforded school personnel, and the risk of impingement upon religious and political freedoms. I argue that the legislation departs from established precedent on disruptions of the educational environment by regulating horizontal relations between students rather than vertical relations between students and the school as an institution / environment. Second, I believe we should be cautious about statutory regimes that enable government actors to sanction speech based on content. I suggest that it is difficult to distinguish, on a principled basis, between bullying (which is bad) and social sanctions that enforce norms (which are good). Moreover, anti-bullying laws risk displacing effective informal measures that emerge from peer production. Read more…

Ben Stein and the ABA’s Facepalm

The American Bar Association is kicking off its 2012 tech show with an address by… Ben Stein. Yes, who better to celebrate the march of technological progress and innovation than a leading defender of intelligent design? Who better to celebrate rigorous intellectual discourse than a man who misquotes Darwin and fakes speeches to college audiences?

This is a pretty embarrassing misstep. The ABA is irrelevant in the IP / tech world, and this facepalm is a nice microcosm of why. (Wait, what is the ABA relevant to? Now that’s a hard question.) We geeks don’t like it when you dis science. Thanks anyway, ABA – maybe you should stick to having your judicial recommendations ignored.

Hat tip: health law expert Margo Kaplan.

Update: I found the perfect keynote speaker for ABA’s 2013 TechShow: Marshall Hall!

Cross-posted at Concurring Opinions.

The Memory Hole

On RocketLawyer’s Legally Easy podcast, I talk with Charley Moore and Eva Arevuo about the EU’s proposed “right to be forgotten” and privacy as censorship. I was inspired by Jeff Rosen and Jane Yakowitz‘s critiques of the approach, which actually appears to be a “right to lie effectively.” If you can disappear unflattering – and truthful – information, it lets you deceive others – in other words, you benefit and they are harmed. The EU’s approach is a blunderbuss where a scalpel is needed.

Cross-posted at Concurring Opinions.

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