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	<title>Comments on: Concurrency and a Campaign for Serial Faithfulness</title>
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	<link>http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/politicshiv/2006/04/19/concurrency-and-a-campaign-for-serial-faithfulness/</link>
	<description>Just what it says</description>
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		<title>By: Politics and Policy of HIV/AIDS &#187; Local practices lead to global HIV?</title>
		<link>http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/politicshiv/2006/04/19/concurrency-and-a-campaign-for-serial-faithfulness/comment-page-1/#comment-76</link>
		<dc:creator>Politics and Policy of HIV/AIDS &#187; Local practices lead to global HIV?</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 22 Nov 2006 06:17:38 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>[...] Behavior change campaigns for years in the African region have targeted high-risk sexual behaviors in attempts to prevent HIV infection. The discourse at times has veered into culturally naive assumptions of sexual exceptionalism. Yet, as some researchers have observed, some fundamental measures human sexual behaviors appear consistent across cultures and geographies -i.e. average lifetime number of partners. Granted, distinct regional patterns emerge on closer look - i.e. long-term concurrent partnerships and serial monogamy are alternatively dominant in different regions of the world (see April &#8216;06 post &#8220;Concurrency and a Campaign for Serial Monogamy&#8221;). [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] Behavior change campaigns for years in the African region have targeted high-risk sexual behaviors in attempts to prevent HIV infection. The discourse at times has veered into culturally naive assumptions of sexual exceptionalism. Yet, as some researchers have observed, some fundamental measures human sexual behaviors appear consistent across cultures and geographies -i.e. average lifetime number of partners. Granted, distinct regional patterns emerge on closer look &#8211; i.e. long-term concurrent partnerships and serial monogamy are alternatively dominant in different regions of the world (see April &#8216;06 post &#8220;Concurrency and a Campaign for Serial Monogamy&#8221;). [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Jacob Bor</title>
		<link>http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/politicshiv/2006/04/19/concurrency-and-a-campaign-for-serial-faithfulness/comment-page-1/#comment-40</link>
		<dc:creator>Jacob Bor</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2006 22:10:38 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>&lt;a&gt;&lt;/a&gt;

I&#039;ve been working in HIV prevention in Botswana for the last five months and have also been struck by the prevalence of long term concurrent partnerships and casual attitudes towards infidelity. This is a precarious topic, since it treads close to negative stereotypes of African sexuality--one reason for the hesitancy of African leaders to address the issue. But the logic of Epstein&#039;s argument (and the evidence I&#039;ve seen) suggests that changing social norms around multiple sexual partners would go a long way to reducing HIV incidence.

In my work, I&#039;ve found crafting fidelity- based prevention messages to be a major challenge. The problem is simple: you can, in good faith, tell people that if they abstain or condomize (correctly and consistently) then they are protecting themselves from HIV. But fidelity is not foolproof, since partners may not be faithful in turn. (Hence the appeal of A and C for donors).
In low trust situations (e.g. cultures where multiple partnerships are the norm), individuals will not rationally choose fidelity as a tool for prevention, instead perceiving a choice between A, C, and unprotected sex. As Epstein points out, there is a huge positive social externality to an individual&#039;s fidelity; but since, in low trust situations, this benefit is not fully captured by individuals choosing to be faithful, fidelity will be &quot;under-consumed.&quot; 
In other words, people can be motivated to choose A and C on the basis of a rational response the threat of HIV to themselves as individuals. People will only choose fidelity on a large scale if they can identify with a larger project of social change. This is what is so fascinating about the uganda case, and why people interested in public health should be interested in the politics of collective action.</description>
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<p>I&#8217;ve been working in HIV prevention in Botswana for the last five months and have also been struck by the prevalence of long term concurrent partnerships and casual attitudes towards infidelity. This is a precarious topic, since it treads close to negative stereotypes of African sexuality&#8211;one reason for the hesitancy of African leaders to address the issue. But the logic of Epstein&#8217;s argument (and the evidence I&#8217;ve seen) suggests that changing social norms around multiple sexual partners would go a long way to reducing HIV incidence.</p>
<p>In my work, I&#8217;ve found crafting fidelity- based prevention messages to be a major challenge. The problem is simple: you can, in good faith, tell people that if they abstain or condomize (correctly and consistently) then they are protecting themselves from HIV. But fidelity is not foolproof, since partners may not be faithful in turn. (Hence the appeal of A and C for donors).<br />
In low trust situations (e.g. cultures where multiple partnerships are the norm), individuals will not rationally choose fidelity as a tool for prevention, instead perceiving a choice between A, C, and unprotected sex. As Epstein points out, there is a huge positive social externality to an individual&#8217;s fidelity; but since, in low trust situations, this benefit is not fully captured by individuals choosing to be faithful, fidelity will be &#8220;under-consumed.&#8221;<br />
In other words, people can be motivated to choose A and C on the basis of a rational response the threat of HIV to themselves as individuals. People will only choose fidelity on a large scale if they can identify with a larger project of social change. This is what is so fascinating about the uganda case, and why people interested in public health should be interested in the politics of collective action.</p>
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